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We recommend dalderon activate JavaScript for find-more-books. Gero , ; Joyce Nonetheless, it would be unfair to see Latin American archaeology as a passive reflection of foreign, essentially North American, influence. There have most certainly been local archaeologists who have developed original methods, although obviously their contributions have been fed by foreign theories and methods since, as with any researcher in the world, Latin American archaeologists practise within open scientific communities and are exposed to intellectual movements generated in other countries.

A few examples will suffice to illustrate these specific processes in several different Latin American countries. Amongst the examples from the nineteenth century, Florentino Ameghino is notable in the case of Argentina.

Ameghino represented the typical nineteenth-century naturalist who worked simultaneously from several different disciplines: archaeology, bio-anthropology, palaeontology and geology.

After his death in , the image of Ameghino was appropriated by political sectors of society, especially the Socialist Party, who made him appear to be a secular saint Podgorny As early as , the Archaeological Society of Santiago had been formed in Chile and, two years later, it published the one and only edition of its journal of archaeology. A principal objective of these local scholars was the summary of archaeological information— until that moment fairly diffuse— which existed in their respective countries, and to explain that material using various methods, ranging from direct historical analogy to natural evolutionary approaches.

Tello has been glorified not only for his scientific achievements but also for his active participation in the Latin American indigenous political movement. Libraries, streets, plazas and schools have since been named after him.

In Mexico, the prominent local figure in the first half of the twentieth century was Manuel Gamio, who graduated from the Universidad de Columbia and can be considered a disciple of Franz Boas Bernal , who was also decisive in the emergence of Mexican archaeology. Gamio made original theoreticomethodological contributions to American archaeology: he was a pioneer of the stratigraphic method and he developed an archaeological investigation which was intimately linked to an anthropological perspective.

For some, Gamio, along with N. Nelson, was responsible for this innovation Willey and Sabloff , while for others his significance was secondary Lyman et al. It must be pointed out that Gamio completed a multi-disciplinary study of Teotihuacan from its pre-Hispanic origins up to the present day, as well as conducting an analysis of the colonial period. The situation of Teotihuacan as the axis of Mexican archaeological research interest continues Manzanilla, chapter 6 due to its position as the first vast urban centre in Mesoamerica.

Gamio was a product of the Mexican revolution which had promoted nationalism and the reaffirmation of everything Mexican, and as such he played a pronounced political role alongside the contributions he made to archaeology. He was a promoter of the Latin American indigenous movement and, along with other social scientists, attempted to revitalise and revalorise the indigenous and peasant aspects of Mexican society.

In order to dignify the present-day indigenous and peasant communities, Gamio considered it necessary to study their current situation, their origins and their past Lorenzo Archaeology was an instrument of social change for Gamio, and its practice was highly intertwined with the interests of the exploited peasantry.


His influence on contemporary Argentinian archaeology is outstanding, especially in the northwest where his regional model is still central to contemporary debate. He pointed out the basic difference in position of the two scientific communities: while the North Americans practised an archaeology of an intellectual and academic character, the Mexicans added a social and historical dimension Lorenzo Lorenzo was influenced by V.

Gordon Childe, with whom he spent a short period in London. It is important to mention that Mexican archaeology had been strongly shaped by the Spanish Republicans—Angel Palerm and Pedro Armillas—who spent almost their entire careers in Mexico, and paved the way for Lorenzo to develop his particular approach.

Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff, who was born in Austria, arrived in the late s in Colombia, where he established his scientific career Chavez Chamorro and went on to become the founder of the first department of archaeology in the country at the Universidad de los Andes. For better or worse, the influence of Reichel-Dolmatoff continues to be significant in Colombian archaeology.

Luis Lumbreras explored the social dimension of the practice of archaeological research—following the tradition initiated by Tello—and became one of the founders of Latin American social archaeology Vargas Arenas and Sanoja, chapter 8. Gordon Childe as their principal inspiration Vargas Arenas and Sanoja, chapter 4. One of their fundamental aims is to insert the discipline within the social sciences in order to achieve the reformulation of the epistemological basis for education and the teaching of history—what we consider to be the fundamental part of the national consciousness of a society formed and informed by its history and its destiny as a sovereign community within the integrated context of a new Latin America in the making.

Vargas Arena and Sanoja, this volume: 60 Few would doubt the originality of this school, but their importance in the context of Latin America and the coherence of their techniques, methods employed, and their theoretical-conceptual approach have been the subject of recent debate.

Outside Latin America the theoretical production of Latin American social archaeology has been largely ignored; only recently has it been discussed in Spain, Portugal and, to a much lesser extent, Great Britain. However, for the North American Marxist archaeologists the development of social archaeology has been an impressive achievement of the last twenty years and they attribute an important role to this school of thought in the recent history of the archaeology of Latin America e.

McGuire ; Patterson The practising social archaeologists Bate, Lumbreras, Sanoja, Vargas have not created a single school of thought, with the exception of Venezuela… Oyuela-Caycedo et al. More moderately, doubts have been expressed about the viability of the objectives of social archaeologists within a Marxist perspective in relation to the methodology employed in the handling of the archaeological record Lanata and Borrero, chapter 5; Gnecco ; Politis The work of the social archaeologists on food-producing and state-level societies has been stronger e.

Again, this need not mean that these are unique social phenomena obviously the increase in social complexity and the formation of state-level societies or the domestication of camelids are, for example, phenomena which one can recognise in various parts of the world , but even so, in the case of Latin America, there are particular contexts brought about through distinctive social processes.

This book analyses some of those processes which have been the subject of recent debate. Few animals were domesticated by the indigenous Americans basically, the llama, alpaca, guinea pigs and the muscovy duck , and in general terms, with the exception of camelids, such domesticates did not have the importance afforded to their counterparts in the Old World.

Nonetheless, the camelids, and especially the llama, were not only a source of meat but also of wool, dung for fertiliser and fuel an important resource in an environment such as that of the high Andes where firewood is always scarce , as well as acting as beasts of burden. Camelids were vitally important to the subsistence of the pre-Hispanic Andean societies, and also played an important role in their cosmological beliefs see Bonavia, chapter 7. After discussing the various sources of evidence and different hypotheses associated with camelid domestication Bonavia this volume: concludes that all the information indicates to us that llamas and alpacas were domesticated in the high Andes between 4, and 4, m above sea-level, approximately in the fourth millennium before our era.

However, as Bonavia states, the ancestral form of camelids from which the llama and alpaca were domesticated, and the fundamental reasons for domestication, are as yet unknown. The involvement of camelids in Andean social processes is also a subject currently under debate. The emergence of a complex urban society at Teotihuacan Manzanilla, chapter 6 in central Mexico reveals a quite different pattern of urban development to that in the Old World.

Urbanism in both Mesoamerica and the Andes was the result of particular historical processes which can be traced back to the Formative Period. The rapid expansion of the Inca Empire is a case unique in the world Raffino and Stehberg, chapter 9. It is one of the few known examples of conquest by foot, with the use of llamas for cargo but not for transporting people Bonavia, chapter 7 , achieving in such a short time the domination of such a mountainous, expansive and environmentally diverse area.

The site Basin has been a favourite area for discussions of the dominant role of the environment in the stability and change of human societies, and is one of the places in Latin America where North American cultural ecology has had a marked influence Steward ; Lowie ; Meggers and Evans Goes Neves chapter 11 shows how archaeological research in the site Basin is changing, and he critically discusses the theoretical frameworks used to reconstruct the siteian past.

Meggers and Evans have been extremely active in developing training programmes and workshops both in the United States and in various South American countries and, as such, they have not only created a close-knit group of South American collaborators, but have facilitated the acquisition of research grants.

Furthermore, it is fair to say that in the countries where their influence has not been as significant, such as Argentina and Chile, Betty Meggers has nonetheless had tribute paid to her by the local archaeological communities in recent years. The pre-Columbian metallurgy of Latin America has always been an attractive subject for archaeology, although its profound and actual symbolic meaning has not been intensively analysed Letchman In very few cases were metal artifacts used as tools in Latin America, and almost all their development was within the social and symbolic domains.

Langebaek chapter 12 analyses and discusses, from a novel perspective, two assumptions usually made by archaeologists: that metallurgy has had an important role in the development of social complexity; and that the elaboration of impressive gold objects can be used as a measure of social complexity.

The examples from Colombia prove to be an interesting case study in which both assumptions are put to the test.

Archaeology in Latin America

Empiricism and culture-history have left deeply embedded imprints on contemporary archaeological research, but new developments, like some of those presented in this book, strongly indicate the vitality and diversity of the archaeology of the region, as well as some original approaches. Nonetheless, it is important to note that in spite of the cultural bonds—of a certain common idiosyncrasy —and of the idiomatic affinity between Latin America and Spain and Portugal, the influence of these European countries on the archaeology of the region is minimal, if present at all.

There are several reasons for this: on one side there is the lack of theoretical and methodological development in Spain and Portugal until recently, while on another side, when archaeology became a scientific discipline in Latin America the region was no longer under Spanish and Portuguese political or economic control.

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Some aspects of twentieth-century Spanish intellectual thought, such as literature and philosophy, certainly influenced Latin American societies, but the impact of these has generally been confined to the arts and humanities, and has not made itself felt within archaeology or anthropology Funari, chapter 2; Politis As is shown in several chapters in the current volume, however, Latin America has, during its indigenous past, had a number of singular social processes.

Moreover, the region has undergone socio-political developments in the twentieth century that have shaped specific national archaeological practices. Some of these developments, such as the Cuban revolution or the proliferation of military governments, have no counterparts in North America or the European countries, and have served to increase the intrinsic differences in archaeology within Latin America.

Furthermore, the situation of indigenous communities is significantly different depending upon the country: in some for example Cuba and Uruguay the community is almost non-existent, while in others Peru, Bolivia it is in the majority The indigenous communities are a further factor shaping archaeological practice in each country, and in some cases generate a demand on investigation which promotes the use of a culturehistorical approach. The research themes associated with processual archaeology seem to be further from their own interests, and the post-processual discourse which would constitute intellectual support for the recuperation of lost rights appears extremely weighed down by theory and difficult to bring to bear on real-life situations.

All these factors ensure that Latin American archaeology has significant internal variations. Until now the importance of differences in national archaeological developments has been seriously overlooked, while at the same time, the foreign perspectives on Latin American archaeology have produced a partial and distorted vision of Latin American archaeology.

The chapters included in this book, although in no way covering all the approaches that exist in the region, aim to capture the diversity, to reflect on the origin and development, and to explore new areas of research and theoretical-methodological approaches in the archaeology of Latin America.

I am grateful to both colleagues for their collaboration. Julio C. Ameghino, F. Barreto, C. Bennett, W. Bernal, I. Burger, R. Chavez Chamorro, M. Collier, D.

Marcos and P. Cruxent, J. Daggett, R. Reyman ed. Politis ed. Funari, P. Gamio, M. Gathercole, P. Gero, J.

Gero and M. Conkey eds Engendering Archaeology. Women in Prehistory, Oxford: Blackwell. Gnecco, C. Meggers and C. Hyslop, J. Wright ed. Kohl, P. Kosso, P. Benson ed. Lorandi, A.

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Dillehay and P. Netherly eds Proceedings del 45 Congreso Internacional de Americanistas. Lorenzo, J.

Departamento de Prehistoria. Lowie, R. Steward ed. The Handbook of South American Indians, vol. Lumbreras, L. Lyman, R.Preceramic archaeological sites in northeastern Venezuela. Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff, who was born in Austria, arrived in the late s in Colombia, where he established his scientific career Chavez Chamorro and went on to become the founder of the first department of archaeology in the country at the Universidad de los Andes.

Alonso Ojeda Awad. Lowie, R. Edgardo Malaspina.

That is why this book tries to maintain the various styles of the authors of presenting data and ideas, as well as to leave them free to approach the problem in their own manner.

Volume 1, Lima. The most striking example of the second case are the hundreds of North American archaeologists who are working in Mesoamerica or the Central Andes.

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