CHRISTIAN PRAYERS PDF

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More than half of the Pater Noster inscriptions consist of just the opening word or two of the prayer in connection with vernacular requests to pray. This practice is first and foremost found on medieval grave monuments where references to the prayer seem to be motivated by a particular type of memorial discourse.

It is known that the Pater Noster could be recited in the churchyard for the benefit of the deceased; the practice is described together with other devotional acts in indulgence privileges for various churches Diplomatarium Norvegicum, 3: Molland , Medieval runic grave monuments that include an appeal to say the Pater Noster for the person commemorated probably reflect the same tradition. Some of the recorded variants of the two prayers, with illustrative examples, are provided in table 2.

The most common variant is as expected the two-word formula Ave Maria, which is recorded in more than 40 per cent of the material. The examples in table 2 demonstrate the use of the phrase in a variety of inscriptions. Examples of inscriptions with the Pater Noster Pater N , church-wall inscription: Sometimes we cannot be certain the carved sequence was indeed meant to stand for Ave, but this may be considered an option cf.

Other variants of the Ave Maria occur more randomly. However, the complete prayer consisting of both salutations is found in more than ten inscriptions, which is similar to the number containing either only Ave or Ave Maria gratia.

As stated earlier, it is unclear how common it was to include the clause et benedictus fructus ventris tui during the Middle Ages. The runic evidence thus assumes some importance since it demonstrates the use of the complete prayer in different parts of Scandinavia.

Ave sanctissima Maria, gratia plena, Dominus tecum, benedicta tu in mulieribus et benedictus fructus ventris tui. We may now move on to Pater Noster citations see table 3. Otherwise the single word Pater occurs chiefly in church-building inscriptions. Longer sequences of the prayer are also quoted, as on a lead cross from Osen, Norway A Some runic items probably amulets use Pater Noster together with a variety of Latin words and expressions, which together make up powerful collections of Christian formulas and charms.

Four or five inscriptions have elements of both the Pater Noster and the Ave Maria. Alfa et o[mega]. Deus adiuva. The Ave Maria in inscriptions from Bryggen N , runic stick, c.

N , runic stick, c. B , base of a wooden bowl, ami c. B , base of a wooden bowl, ui c. Pater noster qui most likely introduces the inscription, as indicated by the cross sign. As an example of different ways of rendering parts of these prayers in runes, we can look at inscriptions that cite the short sequence Ave Maria.

Three examples were provided in table 2: All three inscriptions use a bind-rune in Ave, although not always the same one; two have a bind-rune in Maria as well.

Looking at all the inscriptions with shorter and longer versions of the prayer where the phrase Ave Maria occurs, we can observe insofar as it can be established that roughly 46 percent use one or more bind-runes, and that these may occur in either Ave or Maria or both.

However, if we consider inscriptions that record only the sequence Ave Maria with no further part of the prayer added, the percentage of those with bind-runes is nearly 60, i. We may here be able to identify a customary way of carving the short form of the prayer in runes. The material shows that it is common to write either the first and second or all three runes in Ave as a ligature.

In the case of Maria the usual option is to use a bind-rune in 8ar, although 0ma occurs as well.

A bind-rune may be employed even when the initial letters of Maria alone are carved, as in the inscription from Borgund stave church N The Ave Maria inscriptions in the Bryggen material are considered separately see table 4. The list includes fifteen items: On that basis the two have been included in the overview. Six of the inscriptions use bind-runes, in five cases the usage is found in the sequence Ave Maria.

If we consider only the inscriptions that contain Ave Ma[ria] and no further part of the prayer, the ratio is five out of eight. The type of artifact may be of importance here, since four out of the five inscriptions with bind-runes are recorded on the bases of stave-tankards or wooden bowls the fifth is on a lead amulet.

There is a further matter of chronological interest. Longer versions of the prayer are recorded in inscriptions dating from the end of the twelfth and the mid-thirteenth century, whereas the strongly abbreviated forms are a feature of the fourteenth and fifteenth century. In future studies it would be interesting to examine shorter and longer versions of the Ave Maria and other Latin prayers in order to see what, if any, differences they exhibit. Longer citations, on the other hand, would have required some graphophonological analysis, at least where the text was not copied from a pre-existing original, resulting in inscriptions, which, as is indeed the case, demonstrate varying degrees of literacy and knowledge of Latin.

Another issue concerns the use of prayers in inscriptions that employ both runes and roman letters.

Some seventy medieval Scandinavian runic inscriptions contain individual roman letters or shorter or longer passages in roman script, formulated in the vernacular or Latin. This parallel and in some cases hybrid use of the two scripts occurs on different types of object that originate from a variety of communicative contexts, for example gravestones, church bells, church graffiti, lead amulets, various loose items including runic sticks.

Prayers and invocations are recorded in around thirty such inscriptions, the majority being Latin prayers, in particular citations of the Ave Maria. Other inscriptions to consider in addition to the Ave Maria type are: N base of a stave-tankard, m8aria , B runic stick, c.

However, what we find is that the Ave Maria prayers are by and large carved in runes. But it is noticeable that different strategies are used. Although the cases are not numerous, they cast light on some of the domains in which the use of the two scripts overlaps in the Middle Ages. It is, for example, worth noting that the material does not support the theory proposed by some cf. In the varying environments in which the inscriptions occur we can observe layouts which confer more or less equal visual status on the two scripts, or there may be a certain logical division between them which is not based on hierarchical considerations.

In other cases the inscriptions demonstrate a rather accidental mixing of runic and roman letters. Vg , however, has the complete prayer in roman script.

Sm where the burial formula is in roman script, whereas the vernacular appeal to pray as well as the complete Ave Maria are given in runes. In my introduction the question was raised whether titles like Pater Noster and Ave Maria in these inscriptions could be characterized as loan-words or vernacularized phrases.

There is though a clear mixing of different types and styles of runic prayers. Some inscriptions contain complete prayers both in Latin and in the vernacular. The text further appealed to potential readers to pray: The inscription concluded with a prayer in traditional vernacular style: Jesus Christ have mercy on all the Christian souls which rest here.

Finally we have inscriptions that record complete prayers in Latin and the vernacular. These and other examples demonstrate how different types of word and expression can co-exist in medieval runic inscriptions.

I will complete my discussion with some comments on the types of setting in which Latin prayers and invocations are recorded see chart 3; the numbers are again absolute, not percentages. It should be noted that on small items like these there are over three times as many Latin formulations as vernacular prayers and invocations. The textual features of the group are diverse: A variety of individual practices are documented, which is not surprising given that we are here dealing with religious terms, blessings, protective formulas and charms.

Common examples include: In several inscriptions the main motivation behind the use of Christian phrases and formulas seems to be some practical concern or need rather than religious devotion.

Chart 3. Types of artifact with high and late medieval prayers and invocations in Latin or some distorted passages. More than half of the material originates from Norway, and consists mainly of runic sticks from Bryggen in Bergen. In addition we have several lead amulets from Denmark as well as other finds from different parts of Scandinavia. Latin prayers and invocations on other types of loose artifact account for 15 per cent of the material.

Most of the finds originate from Norway and Denmark. Besides various everyday objects such as stave-tankards and wooden bowls, knife handles, rings, a spindle-whorl and a sword pommel we find religious texts in Latin carved on lead crosses which are likely to have served as personal amulets. Quotations from the Ave Maria seem to be particularly common on stave-tankards and wooden bowls, as noted above.

Inscriptions on church furnishings and items originating from churches make up around 11 per cent of the corpus of Latin prayers and invocations. The numbers are not large, but still we can observe that there are rather more Latin prayers and invocations recorded than vernacular ones, although this may result from the chance of preservation.

The use of Ave Maria inscriptions on church bells has also been noted outside Scandinavia; the Scandinavian runic material thus follows a common pattern. Inscriptions in church buildings account for around 29 per cent of Latin prayers and invocations, making up the second largest group. The greatest number come from stone churches, especially those in Denmark and on Gotland.

The Norwegian material is dominated by inscriptions from stave churches, with only the occasional find from stone buildings. Thus, in the overall material there are around 1. These numbers may, of course, reflect chance results, showing no more than what commonly occurred in different parts of Scandinavia. Nevertheless, it is telling that there are not more cases of Latin prayers recorded in Scandinavian churches, particularly stone churches from important milieux.

Nidaros Cathedral in Trondheim, for example, has a number of runic prayers and invocations in the vernacular, but only one example of a possible Amen N A rather doubtful case there of Pater Noster is N , which besides a statement concerning people who drowned in the fjord includes the sequence: They form c.

As mentioned above, this type of artifact is dominated by vernacular prayers and invocations. The texts in Latin quote common prayers like the Ave Maria or invoke some divine figure.

Anima famuli tui Benedicti tecum sine fine requiescat in pace. Luke Combined vernacular and Latin formulations are also known from church walls, and occasional examples are found on church furnishings and different types of loose object. Conclusions In this examination of Christian runic inscriptions in Scandinavia during the Viking Age and Middle Ages, a broad definition of vernacular and Latin runic prayers and invocations was the point of departure.

In addition to distinguishing between vernacular and Latin prayers and invocations, I have discussed inscriptions that use prayers of mixed style where formulations in both forms of language can appear side-by-side. It is apparent that in the medieval context vernacular and Latin elements could be used together as part of a common arsenal of prayer. The continuing importance of vernacular prayers is clearly documented in different types of high and late medieval inscription, especially those found in stone and stave churches and on grave monuments, where they form part of an established medieval Christian culture.

It is, however, the case that the composition of vernacular prayers in runic inscriptions from different periods reveals various possibilities of structural and content- related variation. This emphasizes their dynamic nature. We also observe that over the course of time vernacular prayer language becomes more varied.

In contrast, Latin prayer formulations appear as more or less fixed quotations, but one can find variation both in their length and function, the latter ranging from religious devotion to practical concerns and also encompassing amuletic-ritualistic usage. Latin prayers and invocations are adapted to the runic context in various ways. The lengthier renditions may demonstrate a more detailed acquaintance with Latin prayers. However, in comparison with the relatively dynamic nature of the vernacular prayers, the Latin formulas still figure primarily as quotations that have been put into runic writing from memory or copied most likely from a runic exemplar.

The contexts in which both vernacular and Latin runic prayers and invocations occur vary to a great extent. These texts can be carved into a variety of smaller and larger artifacts of stone, wood, metal, bone or leather. Prayers and invocations are recorded on commemorative rune- stones and various types of grave monument, in the fabric of stone and stave churches, on ecclesiastical objects and other items that are associated with churches as well as on different everyday artifacts with seemingly no devotional purpose at all.

Prayers and invocations also appear on runic sticks and pieces of bone and metal where they may express a variety of concerns. The overview presented in this study has shown that the prayers recorded on rune-stones, grave monuments and on the inside or outside of church buildings are dominated by vernacular formulations.

It should also be emphasized that both stone and stave churches record more prayers and invocations in the vernacular than in Latin. Among the latter we find objects that were used in the celebration of mass, which explains the use of Latin formulas. The dominant role of Latin prayers and invocations becomes especially clear when considering small objects that served primarily as a surface for writing, such as runic sticks, lead plates and bands, and pieces of bone.

As pointed out above, they carry about three times as many Latin as vernacular formulations. Knirk ; Ertl On the basis of this data it is reasonable to conclude that forms of runic prayer could vary depending on the context and type of artifact involved. Despite the fact that numerous inscriptions in church buildings may be characterized as personal graffiti, they nevertheless occur in a context that gave them a broader public and religious function.

Seen in this light, it is possible that the setting of vernacular prayers and invocations in monumental or public contexts may have been motivated inter alia by the wish to reach a wider audience. Second, we have the discourse of the various loose objects.

Here we find a certain preference for Latin prayers, invocations and blessings. Besides being connected to particular types of object and textual genre the use of Latin formulas in this context may also have to do with the mediation of specific knowledge and private concerns, such as the possible protection of contents in stave-tankards and wooden bowls.

The distinction between these two roughly delineated spheres of use is by no means absolute, since copious examples of commonly recited Latin prayers and invocations occur in church buildings and on grave monuments, while vernacular prayers and invocations frequently appear on different types of loose object.

Last but not least, we find inscriptions where prayers and invocations of mixed style, form of language and type of script are recorded, showing that the distinction between vernacular and Latin elements in medieval expression of Christianity is itself uncertain.

This underlines the dynamic and mixed nature of the runic prayer tradition during the late Viking Age and Middle Ages. Its multiple regional, chronological, local and individual manifestations will need to be addressed in future studies. Beskow, Per. Tre uppsatser, ed.

Per Beskow and Reinhart Staats, 16— Occasional Papers on Medieval Topics 7. Published in Norges innskrifter med de yngre runer, i. Diplomatarium Norvegicum: Text; Atlas; Registre. By Lis Jacobsen and Erik Moltke. Published on p. Runes and Their Origin, Denmark and Elsewhere. Copenhagen Published on pp.

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ERGA Berlin Ertl, Karin. Juni in Bad Homburg, ed. SRI, 11— Geete, Robert. Gschwantler, Otto. August , ed. Gustavson, Helmer. Olle Ferm, — Internationales Symposium in der Werner-Reimers-Stiftung vom Inger Lindell, 61— Helander, Sven.

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Gamal norsk homiliebok: Jolly, Karen. Definitions, Beliefs, Practices. Jones, Annette. Distribution Patterns in Stave Church Inscriptions. Magic in the Middle Ages. Various authors. Oslo etc. Knirk, James E. Ljung, Cecilia. Anders Kaliff, — MacLeod, Mindy, and Bernard Mees.

Runic Amulets and Magic Objects. Runes, Magic and Religion: Studia Medievalia Septentrionalia Molland, Einar. By Magnus Olsen et al. Oslo —.

SRI, Palm, Rune. Festschrift zum Claas Juoco Bleeker, vol. Studies in the History of Religions Supplement to Numen Sidselrud, Agnieszka Ewa. Skemer, Don C. Binding Words: Textual Amulets in the Middle Ages.

SRI, 4. Spurkland, Terje. The Runic Evidence. Kristel Zilmer and Judith Jesch, — Utrecht Studies in Medieval Literacy 4. Various authors; published by Kungl. Stockholm —. By Erik Brate. By Ragnar Kinander.

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By Sven B. Steenholt Olesen, Rikke. Studier i danske runeindskrifter fra middelalderen. SRI, 3. Published in Sven B. SRI, 6—9. In both inscriptions the name is recorded as mihel. In contrast to these examples, we find Michael mikael and the names of the other archangels on a medieval folded lead plate of unknown origin A The inscription contains Latin words and phrases, some of which appear corrupt. In this context we may certainly consider the name Michael as an element of a Latin inscription.

Also English translations are in the first instance taken from the database, but have on occasion been altered slightly or improved. If contextual elements are lacking, the classification will simply have to rely on the recorded forms of names and, where applicable, the use of declensional endings cf.

As expected, vernacular prayers completely dominate the Viking Age and early medieval material c.

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They are recorded on raised runic monuments and early Christian gravestones; in addition there are a few possible examples on loose items. Vernacular prayers also account for almost 50 per cent c. On the other hand, inscriptions of this type sometimes incorporate complete prayers in the vernacular or combine vernacular prayers and Latin elements.

Whether or not medieval vernacular prayers formed an unbroken link with the traditions of the Viking Age is less clear, and a question to which I shall return below. Latin prayers, invocations and blessings are very much a phenomenon of the High and Late Middle Ages, and they account for around 41 per cent of the material c. They occur in the same contexts as inscriptions with vernacular prayers, i.

To the corpus we can add one relatively early example of Ave Maria, 9aue maria, recorded on a grave slab from Gretlanda Vg , dated to the end of the eleventh century and thus belonging to the group of early medieval grave monuments. The use of both vernacular and Latin elements is a phenomenon found mainly in gravestone inscriptions from Gotland and parts of mainland Sweden, but occasional examples are known from other contexts church walls and furnishings, loose items.

Gschwantler Certain features of runic prayers have been interpreted as evidence of popular religiosity Gschwantler ; see also Williams a, b. It is conceivable that the formula stems from prayers originally designed for missionary purposes. Segelberg , , — Although the number of vernacular rune-stone prayers found outside the core area in central Sweden remains limited, variants of the formula can be traced in different parts of Scandinavia. This would indicate independent manifestations of the tradition, though possibly modelled on one common source.

This is well illustrated by the inscription on the Berga stone U , with its statement: During the Viking Age and the early medieval period vernacular prayers are first and foremost a rune-stone phenomenon.

On two adjacent sides of the stick, A and D, the same prayer is repeated, albeit with different spelling, which may suggest different carvers or a practice situation: This artifact may date from the second half of the eleventh century, although it has by some been assigned to the twelfth or even later.

Sometimes it can be difficult to distinguish one type of monument from the other typologically. This is not, however, borne out by the evidence. Inscriptions on grave monuments reflect formulations known from Viking Age rune-stones, with some adaptations or additions probably due to memorial type and burial practice. There is, however, one significant difference between the wording of the prayers on rune-stones and early Christian grave monuments.

Exceptions are: These exceptions may possibly be due to regional customs. This could be a discourse-related feature, possibly motivated by the type of monument. It is a point of discussion whether certain earlier and later vernacular prayers can be viewed as links within a relatively stable tradition. I noted above that rune-stones and early Christian grave monuments make use of prayers of the same type.

That the later material shows the continuing use of vernacular prayers of similar composition to those earlier ones is perhaps even more significant. There they could be used alone or together with other formulas. According to a seventeenth- century drawing it stated: A well-known example comes from Hopperstad stave church N , and the prayer also expresses the expectation that people will read the runes that have been carved: We find: As mentioned above, such variation is well documented in prayers on rune-stones and early Christian grave monuments.

What is new in the material from the High and Late Middle Ages is the combination of various formulations on one and the same item. The four sides of a mid-thirteenth-century runic stick from Bryggen B 13 contain prayers to God, St.

Parts of the inscription are incidently carved using coded runes of varying design. From Kaupanger stave church comes a different kind of variation. A 85 has: G B and G Several inscriptions from Gotland, Bryggen in Bergen and elsewhere in Norway record vernacular prayers of this type with different verbs.

We also find parallels in the Danish, mainland Swedish and Gotlandic material. At the same time, this may be a matter of chance, since the overall number of Norwegian rune-stones and early Christian grave monuments is modest. The late medieval Gotlandic inscriptions are included in the survey in order to provide a comprehensive overview of developments within the runic prayer tradition in different parts of Scandinavia.

In inscriptions from the High and Late Middle Ages we find a variety of formulations that employ this verb see table 1. In line C we have: The beginnings of lines A and B have been compared to the Kyrie Kyrie eleison and Christe eleison respectively. Spurkland , The inscription as a whole exhibits a blend of expressions that may have their background in Latin texts adapted for vernacular prayer.

This is significant, since in general medieval runic material does not contain many examples of the reformulation in the vernacular of specific Latin religious texts. When identifiable scriptural, liturgical and other general religious quotations are carved in runes, they are usually given in Latin see, however, the runic stick B containing an Old Norse version of a short passage from the Passio Sancti Andreae Apostoli.

Personal names are documented in around 6 per cent of the vernacular prayers from the Viking Age and early medieval period. The common strategy at this time was to formulate prayers with personal pronouns in the third person, although the commemorative formulas normally identify the deceased by the name. In the High and Late Middle Ages personal names are frequently included in vernacular prayers on Gotlandic gravestones, and occasional examples can be found elsewhere.

Various formulations are used, e. The inclusion of personal names in prayer formulas reflects certain general features of the discourse of runic inscriptions in the High and Late Middle Ages.

For one thing, we find such names in the memorial language of contemporary grave monuments as in that of the Viking Age rune-stones and the funerary monuments of the Early Middle Ages.

The inclusion of personal names can also be motivated by a wish to focus on the person s who made or owned a particular object. This is exemplified by a thirteenth-century baptismal font from Hossmo church Sm However, whereas earlier prayers tend to mention individual family members,13 their later medieval counterparts may stress the fact that they relate to a broader community of Christians.

Personal references can be combined with the idea that those commemorated are members of Christian society. A separate category included in this study comprises sacred names. Are these inscriptions to be taken as invocations calling upon divine assistance, or are they personal names i. There is, though, the odd exception. More recent investigations have shown that some of these monograms are not runic at all. That would make it natural to include such inscriptions in the Latin group.

However, we also find the name used in wholly vernacular contexts where it clearly cannot stand for Ave Maria. G A, G Further examples of vernacular formulations also need to be considered, including: Chart 2.

In the light of these and other examples, there is no reason to suppose use of the name Maria must imply a reference to the Ave Maria.

These account for around 40 per cent of the total material. The choice of runes in such an environment is noteworthy. Different types of inscription, not just prayers and invocations, coexist and interact within the same space. The specific locations of all types of church inscription can be combined with the analysis of their varying spheres of usage. Prayers form one type where it would be interesting to look more specifically at possible distinctions or overlaps between public and private spheres, and discuss instances of clerical usage and examples of private devotion.

Jones has noted that vernacular prayers in Norwegian stave churches are commonly found in those parts of the church that the congregation had access to on contextual aspects of church inscriptions, see also Gustavson Most of the vernacular prayers and invocations carved into church buildings are found in Norway, Gotland and Denmark, with occasional examples from mainland Sweden.

Almost two-thirds of the Norwegian material originates from stave churches, complemented by inscriptions from Nidaros Cathedral and a few other stone structures. It is not always easy to determine how far inscriptions in churches are intended as supplications see the discussion of sacred names above. In addition, there are casual graffiti in the form of personal names which might have functioned as prayers in the sense that certain people wanted to mark their presence in the church as a way of seeking divine assistance.

Since the motivation underlying such personal graffiti is unclear, they have been omitted from the corpus. The second largest group comprises prayers and invocations occurring on high and late medieval grave monuments.

Including fragmentary and questionable examples they form about 34 per cent of the total. I have separated these from other types of loose object, in that they had no other initial primary function than as a surface for writing and thus gained their supplicatory or manipulative function from the texts that were inscribed on them or the practices and rituals that were associated with them.

In comparison with the two biggest groups the number of these inscriptions is limited; they account for around 9 per cent of the total corpus. The material is mostly Norwegian, with finds from Bryggen and other parts of the country; in addition there are sporadic examples from other parts of Scandinavia. The objects and their texts have to be examined with a view to identifying individual manipulative practices.

At the same time, the general features of the devotional language of this third group do not differ significantly from other contexts. As stated on a thirteenth-century runic stick from Bryggen B Here we even have a cleric carving or commissioning a blessing with runes on a wooden stick.

A good example of a rather long vernacular inscription of this type expressing religious devotion is the above-mentioned N from Bryggen which contains inter alia phrases that can be compared to the Kyrie.

In some cases the inscriptions leave it unclear whether someone is simply practising their writing skills or expressing personal piety. The fourth largest group with almost the same proportion as the previous one, i. This category includes everyday objects that were for some reason or other inscribed with runic texts.

The material contains other possible examples of the invoking of Mary; her name may be carved in full though possibly using bind-runes or only the initial two or three runes may be given. The function of such inscriptions is unclear. From what has been preserved it seems Latin prayers are favoured on certain types of ecclesiastical item, such as church bells.

A thirteenth- century censer from Fyn DR records: Prayers and invocations in Latin The other main category of medieval runic prayers and invocations shows evidence of direct input from Church Latin.

Several inscriptions make use of special acronyms and collections of sacred names and titles, including a variety of the names for God according to the Alma Chorus Domini, as well as the names of the apostles, the four evangelists, the archangles, different saints and various biblical figures. The discussion here is limited to the use of the Ave Maria and the Pater Noster. This variation in length can be best observed in inscriptions that contain parts of the Ave Maria and the Pater Noster.

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In the runic material these two prayers are as a rule not quoted in their complete form, as it was known in the Middle Ages. In its present form the Ave Maria is composed of three parts. Elizabeth Luke 1: Regarding the origins of the prayer, there is evidence of the reciting of Marian salutations from the fifth and sixth century onwards, but the use of the joint prayer as an accepted form of private devotion can only be traced from around the mid-eleventh century Helander , The rise and spread of the joint prayer formula can be connected to series of verses and responses as used in the Little Office of the Blessed Virgin.

In the period the runic inscriptions reflect, the Ave Maria was becoming increasingly popular as a devotional formula in Catholic tradition. Its popularity is also affirmed by the collections of Marian legends that started to appear in the early twelfth century. It was included in its current form in the Catechism of the Council of Trent of The Pater Noster also goes under the name Oratio Dominica.

Two versions of the prayer occur in the New Testament, a shorter one in the Gospel of Luke In both contexts the prayer is given as an instruction on how to pray. The Pater Noster consists of an introductory formula and seven petitions, a structure that was followed in the Middle Ages. The Pater Noster played a central role in the devotional life of the medieval Church. It was part of the Ordinary of the Mass and of most liturgical rites, and it also functioned as a liturgical daily prayer and was used in private devotion.

Several medieval statutes and laws emphasize the importance of teaching these prayers in the vernacular and describe proper procedures for praying see Helander , ; Molland , f.

The commentary starts with the words: That is, in our language: It is of some interest in the light of this that Scandinavian runic inscriptions show that the Pater Noster and the Ave Maria continued to be recited in Latin throughout the Middle Ages. Inscriptions written in the vernacular but containing a request to say the prayers also refer to Pater Noster and Ave Maria.

The use of the Latin titles of the prayers is common in vernacular manuscripts as well, as for example in Cod. C 50 from the latter half of the fifteenth century: The numbers of runic Ave Maria and Pater Noster prayers given in different studies vary according to the classification criteria used and the extent dubious and corrupt evidence is included cf.

In her examination of the Norwegian material Sidselrud arrives at fifty-seven Ave Maria inscriptions with some additional examples that contain only the name Maria in a Latin context and twenty-one for Pater Noster Sidselrud , 39— The Scandinavian runic material taken from the Scandinavian Runic Text Database with the addition of a few new finds contains around ninety Ave Maria inscriptions, complete or partial.

The corpus further includes ten to twelve questionable instances, i. Inscriptions that only consist of the name Maria have been left out for the reasons stated above. Around five are of questionable value. Examples of inscriptions with the Ave Maria Ave N , runic stick, c. The Ave Maria is more dominant in the overall material than the Pater Noster, and it occurs more widely. This does not necessarily indicate a greater spread or popularity of the prayer, but may have to do with the types of evidence that have been preserved, forms of textual culture and contexts of usage.

It is nevertheless true that Ave Maria inscriptions occur in a wide range of settings: Sidselrud , 64— This underlines the nature of the Ave Maria as a mode of both public and private devotion. Judging from what has been preserved, runic citations of the Pater Noster are less common than is the case with the Ave Maria. More than half of the Pater Noster inscriptions consist of just the opening word or two of the prayer in connection with vernacular requests to pray.

This practice is first and foremost found on medieval grave monuments where references to the prayer seem to be motivated by a particular type of memorial discourse. It is known that the Pater Noster could be recited in the churchyard for the benefit of the deceased; the practice is described together with other devotional acts in indulgence privileges for various churches Diplomatarium Norvegicum, 3: Molland , Medieval runic grave monuments that include an appeal to say the Pater Noster for the person commemorated probably reflect the same tradition.

Some of the recorded variants of the two prayers, with illustrative examples, are provided in table 2. The most common variant is as expected the two-word formula Ave Maria, which is recorded in more than 40 per cent of the material.

The examples in table 2 demonstrate the use of the phrase in a variety of inscriptions. Examples of inscriptions with the Pater Noster Pater N , church-wall inscription: Sometimes we cannot be certain the carved sequence was indeed meant to stand for Ave, but this may be considered an option cf.

Other variants of the Ave Maria occur more randomly. However, the complete prayer consisting of both salutations is found in more than ten inscriptions, which is similar to the number containing either only Ave or Ave Maria gratia.

As stated earlier, it is unclear how common it was to include the clause et benedictus fructus ventris tui during the Middle Ages. The runic evidence thus assumes some importance since it demonstrates the use of the complete prayer in different parts of Scandinavia.

Ave sanctissima Maria, gratia plena, Dominus tecum, benedicta tu in mulieribus et benedictus fructus ventris tui. We may now move on to Pater Noster citations see table 3.

Otherwise the single word Pater occurs chiefly in church-building inscriptions. Longer sequences of the prayer are also quoted, as on a lead cross from Osen, Norway A Some runic items probably amulets use Pater Noster together with a variety of Latin words and expressions, which together make up powerful collections of Christian formulas and charms. Four or five inscriptions have elements of both the Pater Noster and the Ave Maria.

Alfa et o[mega]. Deus adiuva. The Ave Maria in inscriptions from Bryggen N , runic stick, c. N , runic stick, c. B , base of a wooden bowl, ami c. B , base of a wooden bowl, ui c. Pater noster qui most likely introduces the inscription, as indicated by the cross sign.

As an example of different ways of rendering parts of these prayers in runes, we can look at inscriptions that cite the short sequence Ave Maria. Three examples were provided in table 2: All three inscriptions use a bind-rune in Ave, although not always the same one; two have a bind-rune in Maria as well. Looking at all the inscriptions with shorter and longer versions of the prayer where the phrase Ave Maria occurs, we can observe insofar as it can be established that roughly 46 percent use one or more bind-runes, and that these may occur in either Ave or Maria or both.

However, if we consider inscriptions that record only the sequence Ave Maria with no further part of the prayer added, the percentage of those with bind-runes is nearly 60, i. We may here be able to identify a customary way of carving the short form of the prayer in runes.

The material shows that it is common to write either the first and second or all three runes in Ave as a ligature. In the case of Maria the usual option is to use a bind-rune in 8ar, although 0ma occurs as well.

A bind-rune may be employed even when the initial letters of Maria alone are carved, as in the inscription from Borgund stave church N The Ave Maria inscriptions in the Bryggen material are considered separately see table 4. The list includes fifteen items: On that basis the two have been included in the overview. Six of the inscriptions use bind-runes, in five cases the usage is found in the sequence Ave Maria. If we consider only the inscriptions that contain Ave Ma[ria] and no further part of the prayer, the ratio is five out of eight.

The type of artifact may be of importance here, since four out of the five inscriptions with bind-runes are recorded on the bases of stave-tankards or wooden bowls the fifth is on a lead amulet. There is a further matter of chronological interest.

Longer versions of the prayer are recorded in inscriptions dating from the end of the twelfth and the mid-thirteenth century, whereas the strongly abbreviated forms are a feature of the fourteenth and fifteenth century. In future studies it would be interesting to examine shorter and longer versions of the Ave Maria and other Latin prayers in order to see what, if any, differences they exhibit.

Longer citations, on the other hand, would have required some graphophonological analysis, at least where the text was not copied from a pre-existing original, resulting in inscriptions, which, as is indeed the case, demonstrate varying degrees of literacy and knowledge of Latin. Another issue concerns the use of prayers in inscriptions that employ both runes and roman letters.

Some seventy medieval Scandinavian runic inscriptions contain individual roman letters or shorter or longer passages in roman script, formulated in the vernacular or Latin. This parallel and in some cases hybrid use of the two scripts occurs on different types of object that originate from a variety of communicative contexts, for example gravestones, church bells, church graffiti, lead amulets, various loose items including runic sticks.

Prayers and invocations are recorded in around thirty such inscriptions, the majority being Latin prayers, in particular citations of the Ave Maria. Other inscriptions to consider in addition to the Ave Maria type are: N base of a stave-tankard, m8aria , B runic stick, c. However, what we find is that the Ave Maria prayers are by and large carved in runes. But it is noticeable that different strategies are used.This practice is first and foremost found on medieval grave monuments where references to the prayer seem to be motivated by a particular type of memorial discourse.

Open our eyes to see the opportunity You have given prayer points for day '21 days of glory' here are the prayer points for day 9: '21 days of strange woman in my marriage prayer points - '21 d witchcraft must die prayer points - '21 days of gl prayer points against antichrist spirit and for sa prayer points for cancelling debts - '21 days of g Important Points to Remember in Praying for Deliverance From Christian Healing Ministry School of Healing Prayer by Francis and Judith MacNutt 1.

These texts can be carved into a variety of smaller and larger artifacts of stone, wood, metal, bone or leather. Personal names are documented in around 6 per cent of the vernacular prayers from the Viking Age and early medieval period. Thus, in the overall material there are around 1.

LYNETTE from San Buenaventura
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