introduction to the field of International Relations theory. In 20 short paperback and, uniquely for textbooks, also freely accessible in web and PDF formats. book is essential for promoting understanding about international relations.” - Yannis also freely accessible in web and PDF formats. So, readers can have. A. Introduction. 1 The study of international relations takes a wide range of theoretical approaches. Some emerge from within the discipline itself; others have.

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International Relations. 1. Prof. Junichi Mori, director of the OPIR at the APRU Annual Presidents Meeting in Vladivostok. 2. Signing ceremony for the. Webster Vienna's Master of Arts in International. Relations offers you a comprehensive and outstanding scholarly experience for your future academic and. Contents List of Tables x List of Figures xi List of Abbreviations xii Acknowledgements xiv Preface xvii 1 Foreign Policy in International Relations 1 An initial.

The first 4 chapters are really foundational for the rest of IR and the rest of the topics in the book, but the information is very cursory.

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For example, the IR theories are not covered in as much depth as they should be, and the author of that chapter seems to be somewhat dismissive of them. Also, there is no glossary. Each chapter should really end with its own list of sources cited, rather than having one long references section at the end of the book. I would also like to have seen each chapter end with a brief Further Reading list for students interested in the topic of the chapter, particularly since the main chapters in the first section are quite short.

International Relations

Accuracy I did not see any problems with errors or bias. Perhaps old information does not become obsolete, but new developments are always happening. The authors of this book did well writing about the topics in a way that it will not become obsolete within a short period of time. This does not make any fundamental difference to the fact that states need some form of external strategy, and machinery, for managing their external environment. That it now contains many more events of impor- tance, which press directly onto the domestic, makes the conduct of foreign policy more important, not less.

The third major contemporary development in international relations could well in the long run turn out to be the most significant. The emer- gence of serious support for the idea that the right of a state to determine its own internal affairs should be qualified so as to prevent serious human rights abuses has the potential to precipitate moves towards a different kind of system, in which superordinate law and institutions set limits to both internal and external behaviour — in short, towards an embryonic international constitution.

Foreign policy has always, of course, been constrained from the outside, but the inhibitions have come from fear, or concerns about practicality, or from internal value- systems. The United Nations Charter flagged the tension between human rights and sovereignty over 55 years ago, but left the issue hanging in the air.

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The Universal Declaration of Human Rights in was little more than a hopeful signpost, with no capacity for enforcement. The move towards greater consensus on the value of human rights, and indeed liberal democracy, since means that if powerful states are prepared to sponsor change, it might begin to have more prac- tical meaning — as arguably it has already begun to do.

These consequences will mean uncertainty about rules and norms, and particularly about their implementation: To some degree all states will have to take on board new considerations and obligations as they formulate foreign policy, but for many of them, having just become used to the notion of sovereignty, it will be disconcerting to see new principles introduced in parallel. This is particularly true of regimes in new states, which are often the most passionate defenders of independence and non-intervention.

The new possibilities will be twofold: In either case, domestic society would become more exposed to external developments, with potentially significant consequences for the citizenry. As the external environment becomes more complicated, with law, organizations and transnational human rights groups all protruding more into states, or engaging their support, so foreign policy will be a more critical site for political decision-making, not less.

The changes in the international context described above — themselves with longer roots than just the past ten years — represent the current challenges. As I have argued, none of them poses the kind of threat to the very purpose and existence of foreign policy which is often rather unthinkingly assumed.

Each of them, however, is having a significant impact on the nature of contemporary foreign policy, on its relationship with domestic society and on the means by which it is conducted.

The details of these changes — and the elements of continuity — will become clear in the chapters which follow.

Beneath the detail, however, lie certain key questions, theoretical and practical, which provide the rationale for the book as a whole. In theoretical terms the main issue FPA faces is whether foreign policy remains a key site of agency in international relations, or whether it is being steadily emptied of content.

This in turn depends on views about the nature of agency and its relationship to structures in world politics.

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Part of the answer may be given through theorizing the state, evidently still a major source of political life, but not all of it. The state is one of a variety of different international actors, whose positions relative to each other and to structures need to be traced.

If they do, then it follows that they will need some form of means of coping with the particularities of the foreign. But if the environments are blurring into each other so as to become functionally indistinguishable, do they not need to integrate policies and mechanisms accordingly?

If we do con- clude that inside is not the same as outside, and in particular that policy-makers have to operate in differing kinds of environment, does this mean that everything which a system projects outwards is foreign policy? Yet, as with other large political concepts such as democracy, analysis and definitions are in a constant dialectical relation with each other.

This means that no position on the relationship of external relations to foreign policy will convince until the problem has been broken down into its component parts — as it will be in subsequent chapters through the discussions of bureaucratic politics, transnational relations and domestic society.

Finally, Foreign Policy Analysis must also face the normative issues which its positivist roots have tended to obscure. If it is an area of seri- ous enquiry then it must confront — if not be dominated by — the possi- bility that it might contain built-in normative biases.

More prosaically, it just might not address certain important value-based questions. It is certainly true that many of the interesting questions about foreign policy are not technical but involve issues of value or principle.

One such is how far foreign policy may be effectively harnessed to an ethi- cal cause, without damaging other legitimate goals. Another is the long- debated issue of how far foreign policy can or should be accountable to citizens who are probably ignorant of the issues but who may ultimately be asked to die in its name.

The tension between efficiency and democ- racy, and the need to trade them off, is particularly sharp here. Although states vary in what they can do, and view the matter through the lens of self-interest, this is a perpetual ethical challenge for every foreign policy. This brings us to the practical questions facing Foreign Policy Analysis. The first links theory to practice by asking what expectations is it reasonable for citizens to have of policy-makers, and for policy- makers to have of themselves?

How much of what may be deemed desirable is also feasible? There are naturally limits to the extent to which a general answer can be given, but it must surely be the task of any analyst to clarify the nature of action in relation to the outside world by relating the complexity of the environment to the needs and circum- stances of particular actors.

On that basis realistic expectations may be constructed about both instrumental gains and shared responsibilities. Only by analysing actors and their milieux in conjunction can this be done.

How far can we generalize about foreign policy?

The assumption of this book is that there are many common features and dilemmas which can be anatomized. Yet states clearly vary enormously in size, power and internal composition, to say nothing of non-state actors.

Indeed, the United States shows few signs of angst about whether foreign policy exists or counts in the world, unlike the middle-range states. It is revealing that in the American study of International Relations, the state and its power is still a central theme, whether through the successful policy journals like Foreign Affairs and Foreign Policy, or through the dominant academic school of neo-realism. Globalization theory, and constructivism, which tend to stress the impact of international structures, have made far less ground than in Europe, or neighbouring Canada.

Where you sit really does influence what you see. Even the USA has to cope with limitations on its freedom of action, despite its apparent hegemony after It is also just as subject to decision-making pathologies, and to ends—means problems as any other actor.

What is more, the interpenetration of foreign with domestic politics is universal, and varies only in degree. Different soci- eties, perhaps different kinds of society, produce different sorts of domestic input into foreign policy, including conceptions of a desirable world and expectations about what can be done to improve it. It is commonplace to observe that the United States, for example, has con- sistently believed that its own values should be exported, whereas China has never felt the need to proselytize, despite its own conviction of superiority.

The nature of variation and the possible links to foreign pol- icy are themselves things to be charted, whether between democracies and autocracies, rich states and poor, ancient cultures and new states engaged in nation-building.

The principal practical challenge for any foreign policy analyst should be to make transparent and help spread to a wider public the often arcane processes of foreign policy-making.

Current Issue

In the present envi- ronment that means debating the evolving character of foreign policy — is it more than what foreign ministries do? As any specialist knows, the answers to these questions are by no means always close to those which even an intelligent reader of a good newspaper might infer. In particular, FPA has the capacity to indicate the extent to which the nature of the decision-making process deter- mines the outcomes of foreign policy, in terms of both the intrinsic qual- ity of a decision and its effective implementation.

Too often public discussion oscillates between fatalism about the impossibility of affect- ing international affairs, and the personalization of policy through the high expectations held of individual leaders. Argument and Structure In summary, the study of foreign policy faces perpetual challenges of both an intellectual and practical kind, as with any branch of social science.

Equally, the exponents of foreign policy have to cope with a confusing, mixed-actor international environment where obstacles and opportunities are by no means clearly delineated. Lastly, citizens face a mass of events, information and competing interpretations which leave many confused. It is the task of FPA to try to resolve some of this con- fusion by clarifying basic concepts as well as by showing how agency may be understood in the modern world.

This does not mean either reasserting traditional notions of the primacy of foreign policy, or accepting the common tendency to downgrade states and their interna- tional relations. The challenge is to reconstitute the idea of political agency in world affairs, and to rethink the relationship between agency and foreign policy.

Accordingly this book has begun with an examination of where for- eign policy stands, in the world and in the academy. It continues with a more detailed discussion of the politics of foreign policy — that is, the problem of acting in international affairs, through the state and other actors, and of balancing the competing pressures and expectations which beset any foreign policy-maker.

In the main body of the book the argument is divided into three sec- tions. These actors do not always manage to achieve unity of purpose. This is seen in classical terms as providing opportunities for initiating change and for promoting particular concerns, as well as constraints on what can be done. A crucial theme will be the limits to determinism: They may take this option only rarely, but its very existence helps to define what it is to be an actor.

This Waltzian perspective need not, however, be treated in a Waltzian way. Shahibul Islam 4 Importance of International Relations Theories of International Relations The study of international relations involves theoretical approaches based on solid evidence. Theories of international relations are essentially a set of ideas aimed at explaining how the international system works.

The three, major theories of international relations are realism and liberalism: Realism Realism focuses on the notion that states work to increase their own power relative to other states. The theory of realism states that the only certainty in the world is power; therefore, a powerful state—via military power the most important and reliable form of power —will always be able to outlast its weaker competitors.

Self-preservation is a major theme in realism, as states must always seek power to protect themselves. In realism, the international system drives states to use military force.

Although leaders may be moral, they must not let morality guide their foreign policy. Furthermore, realism recognizes that international organizations and law have no power and force, and that their existence relies solely on being recognized and accepted by select states. Liberalism Idealism Liberalism recognizes that states share broad ties, thus making it difficult to define singular independent national interests.

The theory of liberalism in international relations therefore involves the decreased use of military power. The theory of realism began to take shape in the s as increasing globalization, communications technology, and international trade made some scholars argue that realism was outdated. Liberal approaches to the study of international relations, also referred to as theories of complex interdependence, claim that the consequences of military power outweigh the benefits and that international cooperation is in the interest of every state.

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It also claims that exercising economic power over military power has proven more effective. Although the liberal theory of international relations was dominant following World War I while President Woodrow Wilson promoted the League of Nations and many treaties abolishing war, realism came back into prominence in the Second World War and continued throughout the Cold War.

Shahibul Islam 5 Importance of International Relations Neoliberalism Neo-liberalism seeks to update liberalism by accepting the neorealist presumption that states are the key actors in international relations, but still maintains that non-state actors NSAs and intergovernmental organizations IGOs matter.

Proponents such as Maria Chattha argue that states will cooperate irrespective of relative gains, and are thus concerned with absolute gains. Neoliberalism also contains an economic theory that is based on the use of open and free markets with little, if any, government intervention to prevent monopolies and other conglomerates from forming.

It makes the assumption that the economy trumps other concerns; allowing for the elevation of class as the focus of study. Marxists view the international system as an integrated capitalist system in pursuit of capital accumulation.

Thus, the period of colonialism brought in sources for raw materials and captive markets for exports, while decolonialization brought new opportunities in the form of dependence.Modularity Each chapter was well laid out with subheadings. Countering neorealist ideas, Wendt argues that self-help does not follow logically or casually from the principle of anarchy.

The last chapter was a bit weird, especially the bit about England's legacy for world affairs today. His History of the Peloponnesian War is in fact neither a work of political philosophy nor a sustained theory of international relations. Shahibul Islam 4 Importance of International Relations Theories of International Relations The study of international relations involves theoretical approaches based on solid evidence.

Thucydides and the Peloponnesian War, London: Routledge. Not all do, however.

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