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Alexander Dugin has 66 books on Goodreads with ratings. Alexander Dugin's most popular book is The Fourth Political Theory. Aleksandr Dugin's Foundations of GeopoliticsJohn B. Dunlop1. The Fourth Political Theory: Alexander Dugin, Dugin foresees that the Fourth Political Theory will use the tools and concepts of Read the.

Moscow is the capital of an essentially new state: not national, but imperial, soteriological, eschatological, and apocalyptical. It is the last outpost of salvation, the Ark, the ground prepared for the descent of the New Jerusalem. And there will be no fourth.

"Pure Satanism": Alexander Dugin on Postmodernity in Western Society (w/ English subs)

In a sense, this capital does not exist and cannot exist. There will be no fourth Rome. This is already far from a national state or a soteriological Ark. This is a strange, giant chimera, a post mortem land and people who are existing and developing in a parallel realm located beyond history. This is a city from Navi, the dark side, a city of moonlight, water, strange buildings, which are alien to the rhythm of history and the national and religious aesthetics.

This is the reason why the authorities located in Moscow were seen as miracle-workers. In this case it was about the transmutation of the Peter-based into the Moscow-based. The fact that Putin was born into a workers family is remarkable. It was also rumoured that he was an Old Believer.

Very disciplined. The ruler of a great empire during a crucial point in history cannot be an intelligent and righteous Mr Nice Guy.

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There must be a crowned thunderstorm, the Terror of God. Everyone must shake with fear. One thing is certain now: already at that point, after his emergence, I thought that Putin was not an answer but a task to be taken on, and the total balance of all his various facets is, overall, more Eurasian than Atlanticist. Putin could not break free from the objective laws of geopolitics.

Even Yeltsin during his last years in office was not free from them, let alone Primakov during his ministerial term. Of course, many things depended on his entourage and the battle of ideas around him. A huge part of Yeltsins legacy was concentrated around Putin, the extirpation of which had to take a long time. As a result, the debates around Putins personality, since he had appeared seemingly out of nowhere, led to significant discord in all the political sectors of our society.

He was named the great unknown for a reason. But Putin was an unknown revealed, and with very sympathetic features. This is how we thought of him at the turn of the century. Russias pro-Western democratic elite oligarchs, mediacrats, liberal intelligentsia, and Moscow citizens who were sponging off of the interests of foreign powers and so on realising that Yeltsin was unable to rule and that an explicit adoption of a liberal Atlanticist course would alienate the majority of the population, made up their mind to promote a manageable patriot with populist features.

The same scenario had been prepared for Alexander Lebed. This is an important fact: Putin was promoted by the Atlanticists, liberals and pro-Western oligarchs. His patriotism was initially intended to be controlled and merely a front; it was in essence PR-patriotism.

The scenario was elaborated with the eager participation of Boris Berezovsky; the directors were Alexander Voloshin, [18] Vladislav Surkov[19] and Gleb Pavlovsky, [20] and the principal roles were played by Putin and his Saint Petersburg entourage.

It was clear from the outset that a demonstration of patriotism would require spectacular, large-scale action. The scriptwriters proposed to use Chechnya, which had previously played an important part in the Atlanticist project of Russias disintegration. This part of the plan worked as planned: after the September apartment bombings in Moscow[21] the Russian army entered Dagestan, the second Chechnya campaign took place and Grozny was captured The disintegration of the country and the separation of Chechnya were prevented.

This is how Putin was legitimised. In retrospect it is clear that Berezovskys iron grip was involved. He later became an outcast in London in , where he was killed in March The First Term: The Patriotic Jazz Then one day, the directors decided to get rid of the scriptwriters of the first draft, labelling them enemy number two enemy number one being the Chechen terrorists.

It started with the political liquidation of the media mogul Vladimir Gusinsky, who was a member of the first scriptwriters team. Then Berezovsky was exiled.

This further strengthened the overall system, making the directors the ultimate authority in Russian politics. This period can be dubbed presidentialadministration-ocracy.

In effect, the country was controlled by the presidential administration: Voloshin and Surkov. They were the ones who determined the balance between patriotism and liberalism.

This balance was constantly adjusted but one aspect was consistent: liberalism was the end and patriotism was the means to get to it. The national aspects of the drama were subject to Atlanticist interests in foreign policy and liberalism in the economy. The patriotic rhetoric and demagoguery were not supposed to be backed up by any fundamental and irreversible substantive activity. The formula was built around superficial patriotism.

But after the removal of the scriptwriters the patriotic posturing started to get some vague autonomous backing. This group was nicknamed the Peter Guys. The overall action of the play, The First Term, was controlled by the directors, but the exit of the scriptwriters left some gaps in the script, which were immediately filled in by the improvisors. The Peter Guys tried to turn a classical orchestra with a set score into patriotic jazz improvisation. Their main character was turning into a cult figure.

This was how a caprice came about. The star started to meddle with the plot. The directors shook their heads. One of the last proposals of the Petersburg jazzmen was to butcher the patrons and entrepreneurs. In fact, it was quite logical because, overall, the performance was successful and became a box office hit.

At the political level it meant that patriotism gradually became as important as liberalism. It had become clear that they both now stood at the same level.

The actors proclaimed that they were their own directors.


All Power to the Actors Then new factors rushed into Russian political life. The new stagnation was essentially over and we had to deal with the juxtaposition of three elements: a residual political scenario liberaldemocratic reforms in a slapstick patriotism sauce la Zhirinovsky ;[23] a residual political and economic leadership the influence of the oligarchs, the Yeltsin family, mediacrats, and the community of experts here the new patriotism was kept under strict control and the new improvisations here patriotism for the first time got a chance to become fully-fledged.

So, these actors in the wrong play took power in the theatre. What were they facing? At this point the project required new directors and a new script.

A dangerous illusion emerged that by poisoning the patrons, cutting off the electricity in the boxes and kicking the director out would mean a triumph for the President, the authorities and society. But behind a successful coup there are deep factors related to mass psychology: a coup must be backed by history, geopolitics, and the collective unconscious.

Luckily, these repercussions which were devised by the scriptwriters, who were estranged from the masses and, therefore, understood them perfectly worked, but it was not the actors achievement.

Lets face it: if the Peter Guys as a socio- psychological type devised something along these lines on their own, they would still belong to the fringe of provincial law enforcement.

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They were hastily dressed, made up and jostled onstage. On the other hand, the scriptwriters and directors themselves underestimated the success of the performance. The spectators started wrecking the concert hall, shouting Encore! Rub em all out in the outhouse! Rubbing em out is fun, but it is not enough. So, a new script was needed. Luckily, the Peter Guys themselves realistically assessed the contents of what they had to work with. The slogan away with the director also created a problem.

It was now unclear what exactly needed to be directed. The first thing that springs to mind is to invite the assistant director and the backstage crew to do it, or perhaps the prompters, so that they could make up the text in their box as the play went along. It was a reasonable idea, but it is not hard to guess who would have been their puppeteer or, who would have called the tune.

Those who had been fired did not vanish into thin air. Let us not forget: they owned the theatre.

The only thing the rebelling actors were left with was the ecstatic crowd: the keys to the backstage, the cafeteria, and even the dressing rooms were gone. The performances programme had undergone significant changes. The years ahead raised a lot of questions, and it was important to note the objective factors, resources, and possibilities they presented.

But the will and the intellect are a lot more important. Sadly, they are in very short supply. Given this situation, the default position of patriotism was a highly probable outcome, and this time a defeat could have been fatal.

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In all the hustle and bustle they could throw anyone forward: You write the script and You will direct it. But, as is often the case, these tasks were given to the actors themselves, as well as the stagehands, the lighting technicians, and even the ticket-takers. Creating a political elite with a new ideology is a time-consuming and laborious task.

For the first eight years the Putin men were engaged in anything but this. Today the circumstances have made the issue of grey patriotic matter especially relevant. The Twelve Labours of Putin Even at the outset of his first term, Putin accomplished labours worthy of Hercules, very concrete feats.

Labour No. In one swift move he cut the Federation Council down to size, which went from being a body of dissent to a quietly obedient organisation. He boxed the ears of the governors and booed the brash national separatists in the republics. It was this that enabled the regime to endure, as people came to accept the rules of the political game. Ideology — as a set of consistent beliefs — was really not so important to the Soviet regime, she believes. It provided a shared language, enabling people to belong to general social life, rather than being a shared faith and commitment.

Fear of freedom Gessen reflects on the consequences of the failure to come to terms with the Soviet past and to address its traumas. This is because she believes that the old regime has cast a long shadow over contemporary Russia. Citing Fromm, she argues that Soviet totalitarianism conditioned Russians to suffer a paralysing fear of freedom although one might more prosaically suggest that the s provided enough trauma and suffering to make people conservative forever. One of the main arguments she makes in support of her thesis in relation to totalitarianism is that the private sphere, as illustrated by the experience of one of her protagonists who is gay, has been increasingly invaded by the state.

Authoritarian state As Gessen demonstrates incontrovertibly, the public — and especially the political — sphere is tightly controlled by the state, with elections essentially a simulacrum, political pluralism nonexistent, freedom of assembly and of speech for the mass media restricted or virtually absent. The authoritarian nature of the state is amply shown by the repression of the protest movement of which Gessen documents in detail. The willing acquiescence of most citizens in this is illustrated by the widespread support for the takeover of Crimea and the rise of a new Russian nationalism, both among the public and an official rhetoric.

Overall Gessen provides a highly readable, engaging if ultimately depressing account of recent Russian history.He is a tragic figure. Gumilyov, Ethnogenesis and the Biosphere, p.

First, a harsh resentment towards the new Russian leader was expressed by ultra-liberals, the democratic schizos, as they were called at the time, spearheaded by the notorious Sergei Adamovich Kovalev.

The fall of Byzantium meant, from the apocalyptic Orthodox perspective, the dawn of apostasy and the universal rejection of Christianity. In the Soviet Union, especially Stalin's Soviet Union, many German nationalists [like Niekisch] saw the logical fulfillment of the war against 'Jewish capitalism. It is necessary to speak the unvarnished truth. He formed an association with "statist patriots" in the communist camp and was, for a brief period, close to the Genadii Zyuganov, the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.

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